How the Jews use power

THE INTERNATIONAL JEW by HENRY FORD - Chapter 7

HOW THE JEWS USE POWER

Two organizations, both of which are as notable for their concealment as for their power, are the New York Kehillah and the American Jewish Committee. The Kehillah is the most potent factor in the political life of New York; it is the organization which today wields so large an influence on the rest of the world, which consciously issues a program which on one side is pro-Jewish and on the other anti-Gentile. It is the central group, the inner government, whose ruling is law and whose act is the official expression of Jewish purpose. It offers a real and complete instance of a government within a government in the midst of America's largest and politically most powerful city, and it also constitutes the machine through which pro-Jewish and anti-Gentile propaganda is operated and Jewish pressure brought to bear against certain American ideas. That is to say, the Jewish government of New York constitutes the essential part of the Jewish Government of the United States.

The word "Kehillah' has the same meaning as "Kahal," which signifies "community," "assembly" or government. It represents the Jewish form of Government in dispersion. In the Babylonian captivity, in Eastern Europe today, the Kahal is the power and protectorate to which the faithful Jew looks for government and justice. The New York Kehillah is the largest and most powerful union of Jews in the world, the center of Jewish world power has been transferred to that city. what is the meaning of the heavy migration of Jews all over the world toward New York in recent decades. It is to them what Rome is to the Catholic and what Mecca is to the Moslem.

  The Kehillah is a perfect answer to the deceptive statement that the Jews are so divided among themselves as to render a concert of action impossible. That is one of the statements made for Gentile consumption. All experience shows, even to the most casual observer of Jewish activities, that the capitalist and the bolshevik, the rabbi and the union leader are all united under the flag of Judah. Touch the conservative capitalist who is a Jew, and the red communist who is also a Jew will spring to his defense. It may be that sometimes they love each other less, but altogether they hate the non-Jew more, and that is their common bond. The Kehillah is an alliance, more offensive than defensive, against the "Gentiles."

  It is a strange and impressive spectacle which the Kehillah presents, of a people of one racial origin, with a vivid belief in itself and its future, disregarding internal differences, to combine privately in a powerful organization for the racial, material and religious advancement of its own race, to the exclusion of all others.

  The American Jewish Committee came into being in 1906. There had been a government investigation into the "White Slave Traffic," the result of which was a direct set of public opinion into channels uncomplimentary to the Jews, and a defensive movement was begun. The Kehillah organized protests against the statement by General Bingham, then police commissioner of the City of New York, that 50 per cent of the crime in the metropolis was committed by Jews. Very soon afterward, General Bingham disappeared from public life, and a national magazine of power and influence which had embarked on a series of articles setting forth the government's finding in the White Slave investigation was forced to discontinue after printing the first article.

  The Kehillah has mapped out New York just as the American Jewish Committee has mapped the United States, and practically every Jew belongs to one or more lodges, secret societies, unions, orders, committees and federations. The list is a prodigious one. The purposes interlace and the methods dovetail in such a manner as to bring every phase of American life not only under the watchful eye, but under the swift and powerful action of experienced compulsion upon public affairs.

  At the meeting which organized the Kehillah a number of sentiments were expressed which are worthy of consideration today, Judah L. Magnes, then rabbi of Temple Emanu-el, chairman of the meeting, set forth the plan:

  "A central organization like that of the Jewish community of New York City is necessary to create a Jewish public opinion," he said.

  Rabbi Asher was loudly applauded when he said: "American interests are one, Jewish interests are another thing."

  The delegates at the first open meeting in 1906 represented 222 Jewish societies-religious, political, industrial and communal. Just over a year later the number of Jewish organizations under the jurisdiction of the Kehillah aggregated 688, and in 1921 well over 1,000. When the aggressive program of the Kehillah to make New York a Jewish city, and through New York to make the United States a Jewish country, was announced some of the more conservative Jews of New York were timorous. They did not expect that the American people would stand for it. They thought the American people would immediately understand what was afoot and oppose it. There were others who doubted whether the same Kehillah authority could here be wielded over the Jews as was wielded in the old country ghettoes. An official of the Kehillah wrote:

  "There were those who doubted the ultimate success of this new venture in Jewish organization. They based their lack of belief on the fact that no governmental authority could possibly be secured; in other words, that the Kehillah of New York could not hope to wield the same power, based on governmental coercion, as the Kehillahs of the Old World."

  There is much in this paragraph to indicate the status of the Kehillah in Jewish life. Add to this fact that all the Jews who entered America lived under the Kehillahs of the old world, whose power was based on coercion, and the situation is simple. Regimentation, the destruction of individual liberty which has risen to curse the world, is the basic principle of Jewish government of the Jews, by the Jews.

  What else can happen when world government of the Gentiles by the Jews for the bankers becomes established?

  However, the misgivings of some Jews were not justified. The Americans made no protest. The Kehillah went ahead with its campaign and America submitted. New York became Jewish. American life, American thought, and American politics, became Jewish-dominated in the decades that followed. But with it all, the Jews exhibit a sense of the insecurity of this usurpation of power. It does not belong to those who have seized it; it does not belong either by right of numbers, or by right of superior ability, or yet by right of a better use made of that power. They have taken power in America by audacity; they have taken it in such a way as to make resentment of it seem like an anti-racial movement-and that is why they have held it as long as they have. That is the only way to explain the meekness of the Americans in this matter, and it also accounts for the sense of insecurity which even the Jews feel in the position they hold. The American is the slowest person in the world to act on any line that savors of racial or religious prejudice. This makes for a seeming aloofness from matters like the Jewish Question. This also leads uninformed public men to sign protests against. ' anti-Semitism" which are really designed to be protests against the publication of Jewish facts. The foundation, organization and rapid success of the Kehillah in New York is an object lesson set in the sight of the world, as to what the Jew can do and will do when he exalts himself to the seat of rule.

  As to the Kehillah being officially representative, it may be added that the Kehillah has in it representatives of the Central Conference of American Rabbis, Eastern Council of Reform Rabbis, Independent Order of B'nai B'rith, Independent Order of B'rith Shalom, Independent Order of Free Sons of Israel, Independent Order of B'rith Abraham, Federation of American Zionists - orthodox Jews, reform Jews, "apostate Jews," rich Jews, poor Jews, law-abiding Jews and red revolutionary Jews. At the 1918 Convention there were present: Jacob H. Schiff, banker; Louis Marshall, lawyer, president of the American Jewish Committee; Adolf S. Ochs, proprietor of the "New York Times"; Otto A. Rosalsky, judge of the General Sessions Court; Otto H. Kahn, of the banking house of Kuhn, Loeb and Company-AND-Benjamin Schlesinger, who had lately returned from Moscow where he had a conference with Lenin; Joseph Schlossberg, general secretary of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America; Marc Pine, also a recent consultant with the Bolshevik rulers of Russia; David Pinski; Joseph Barondess, labor leader. The high and the low were there; the first world war was closing, the Russian revolution had been won. Judge Mack, who headed the War Risk Insurance Bureau of the United States Government, and the little leader of the reddest group in the East End-they all met in the Kehillah, as Jews. Adolph Ochs of the great "New York Times" together with the most feverish scribbler on a Yiddish weekly that calls for blood and violence, all of them of all classes, bound together in a solidarity which has been achieved by no other people so perfectly as by Judah. Banded together for the purpose of "protecting Jewish rights."

THE JEWISH DEMAND FOR "RIGHTS" IN AFRICA

  What rights have Americans that Jews in America do not possess? Against whom are the Jews organized and against what? What basis is there for the cry of "persecution"? None whatever, except the Jews' own consciousness that the course they are pursuing is due for a check. The Jews always know that. They are not in the stream of the world, and every little while the world finds out what Judah always knows. The program of the Kehillah was ostensibly to "assert Jewish rights." No Jewish rights have ever been interfered with in America. The expression was a euphemism for a campaign to interfere with non-Jewish rights.

  The New York Kehillah is the pattern and parent Jewish community in the United States, the visible entourage of the Jewish government, the dynamo which motivates those "protests" and "mass meetings" which are frequently heralded throughout the country, and the arsenal of that kind of dark power which the Jewish leaders know so well how to use. It is the "whispering gallery," where the famous whispering drives are originated and set in motion and made to break in lying publicity over the country. The liaison between this center of Jewish power and the affairs of the people of the United States is made by the American Jewish Committee. The Committee and the Kehillah are practically identical as far as the national Jewish program is concerned. Through their foreign associations they are also identical as far as the world program is concerned.

  The United States is divided into 12 parts by the American Jewish Committee and every State belongs to a district headed by the most powerful and representative Jews. The Committee represents the focusing point of the religious, racial, financial and political will of Jewry. It is also the executive committee of the New York Kehillah. New York Jewry is the dynamo of the national Jewish machinery. Its national instrument is the American Jewish Committee. Among its direct leaders and supporters today are the owners of powerful newspapers, officials in Federal, State and City administration, influential office holders on public boards and corporations, members of the judiciary and police departments, financiers and heads of banking houses, mercantile and manufacturing establishments, labor leaders and political party organizers of all colors.

  There are certain announced purposes of these associations, and there are certain purposes which are not announced. The announced purposes may be read in printed pages; the purposes not announced may be read in the records of attempted acts and achieved results. To keep the record straight let us look first at the announced purposes of the American Jewish Committee, then of the Kehillah; next at the line which binds the two together; and then at the real purposes as they are to be construed from a long list of attempts and achievements. The American Jewish Committee, officially organized in 1906, announced itself as incorporated for the following purposes:

  1.To prevent the infraction of the civil and religious rights of the Jews in any part of the world.

  2. To render all lawful assistance and to take appropriate remedial action in the event of threatened or actual invasion or restriction of such rights, or of unfavorable discrimination with respect thereto.

  3.To secure for Jews equality of economic, social and educational opportunities.

  4. To alleviate the consequences of persecution wherever they may occur, and to afford relief from calamities affecting the Jews.

  It is an exclusively Jewish program. The Charter of the Kehillah empowered it, among other things, to establish an educational bureau, to adjust differences between Jewish residents or organizations by arbitration or by means cf boards of mediation or conciliation; while the Constitution announces the purpose to be:

  "To further the cause of Judaism in New York City and to represent the Jews in this city with respect to all local matters of Jewish interest."

  Where the American Jewish Committee and the Kehillah join forces is shown as follows:

  "Furthermore, inasmuch as the American Jewish Committee was a national organization, the Jewish Community (Kehillah), of New York City, if combined with it, would have a voice in shaping the policy of Jewry throughout the land. It is expressly understood that the American Jewish Committee shall have exclusive jurisdiction over all questions of a national or International character affecting the Jews generally."

  It will be seen, therefore, that the Kehillah and the American Jewish Committee are one. The capital of the United States, in Jewish affairs, is New York. Perhaps that may throw a sidelight on the efforts which are constantly made to exalt New York as the spring and source of all the thoughts of the day. (Editor's Note: and now the seat of the United Nations system of world government!) New York, the Jewish capital of the United States} has been made the financial center, the art center, the political center of the country. But its art is oriental sensuousness, its politics those of a Judaized Tammany. It is the home of anti-American propaganda, of pro-Jewish hysteria, a mad confusion of mind that now passes all over the world as the true picture of America.

  The doctrine with which so large a mass as the citizens of America have been inoculated is making havoc with the whole American program today. It is "broadening" America out of all semblance to its distinctive self and blurring out of recognition those determining ideals and ideas on which American institutions were based.

"JEWISH RIGHTS" CLASH WITH AMERICAN RIGHTS

  This study of the Jewish Question in the United States is not based upon religious differences. The religious element does not enter except when it is injected by the Jews themselves; they persistently inject it in three ways: First, in their allegation that any study of the Jews is "religious persecution"; second, by their own records of what their activities in the United States consist of; third, by the impression which is very misleading if not corrected, that the Jews are the Old Testament people. The Jews are not the Old Testament people and the Old Testament can be found among them only with difficulty. They are a Talmudical people who have preferred the volumes of rabbinical speculation to the words of the ancient prophets.

  In this series of articles we have set aside every nonJewish statement on this religious question, and have accepted only that which proceeds from recognized Jewish sources. It has been most illuminating, in studying the proceedings of the New York Kehillah and the American Jewish Committee, and their affiliated organizations, as represented by their activities throughout the country, to find how large a part of these activities have a religious bearing, as being directly and combatively anti-Christian.

  That is to say, when the Jews set forth in the public charters and constitutions of their organizations that their only purpose is to "protect Jewish rights," and when the public asks what are these "Jewish rights" which need protection in this free country, the answer can be found only in the actions which the Jews take to secure that "protection."

  Thus interpreted, "Jewish rights" seem to be summed up in the "right" to banish everything from their sight and hearing that suggests Christianity or its Founder. It is just there, from the Jewish side, that religious intolerance makes its appearance.

ATTACKS ON CHRISTIANITY

Previous to the formation of the Kehillah and the Jewish Committee, this sort of attack on the rights of Americans was sporadic, but since 1906 it has increased in number and insistence. Under cover of the ideal of Liberty we have given the Jews liberty to attack Liberty. What America has been tolerating is intolerance itself. Let us look rapidly down the years and see one phase of that attack. It is the attack upon Christianity. Here are a few items from the record. They are recorded over a period of years following the rise of Jewish power in America:

  1899-1900. The Jews attempt to have the word "Christian" removed from the Bill of Rights of the State of Virginia.

  1906-1907. The Jews of Oklahoma petition the Constitutional Convention protesting that the acknowledgment of Christ in the new State constitution then being formulated would be repugnant to the Constitution of the United States.

  The Jews force "The Merchant of Venice" to be dropped from public schools in Texas, Ohio.

  1907-1908. Widespread demand by the Jews for the complete secularization of the public institutions of this country, as a part of the demand of the Jews for their constitutional rights.

  Supreme Court Justice Brewer's statement that this is a Christian country widely controverted by Jewish rabbis and publications.

  Jews agitate in many cities against Bible reading. Christmas celebrations or carols in Philadelphia, Cincinnati, St. Paul and New York met with strong Jewish opposition.

  1908-1909. Protests made to Governor of Arkansas against "Christological expressions" employed by him in his Thanksgiving Day proclamation.

  Professor Gotthard Deutsch protests against "Christological prayers" at the high school graduating exercises at Cincinnati.

  Jewish community in Tamaqua, Pennsylvania defeats resolutions providing daily Bible reading in schools.

  Local Council of Jewish Women of Baltimore petitions school board to prohibit Christmas exercises.

  Boycotts were instituted in New York against merchants who opened on Saturday.

  Special efforts at this period to introduce the idea of the Jewish Sabbath into public business. Jews refused to sit as jurors in court, thus postponing cases.

  1909-1910. On demand of the Jews, the school board of Bridgeport, Pennsylvania, votes to discontinue the recitation of the Lord's Prayer in the school.

  In Newark, New Jersey, the rabbis ask the night schools to discontinue Friday evening sessions, because the Jewish Sabbath begins at sundown on Friday.

  The work of introducing the idea of Jewish national holidays into public life especially active.

  1910-1911. An attempt to have Hebrew officially recognized was frustrated by Supreme Court Judge Goff.

  Chicago Jews have election date changed because the official date fell on the last day of the Passover.

  Jews oppose Bible reading and singing of hymns in Detroit schools.

  Rabbis force Hartford, Connecticut, school board to drop "The Merchant of Venice" from reading list.

  New York Kehillah does two contradictory things; favors bill to permit Jews to do all kinds of business on Sunday, and pledges itself to co-operate in the strict enforcement of the Sunday laws.

  1911-1912. Jews in Passaic, New Jersey, petition school board to eliminate Bible reading and all Christian songs from the schools.

  At request of a rabbi, three principals of Roxbury, Mass., public schools agree to banish Christmas tree and omit all references to the season from their schools.

  A Jewish delegate to the Ohio Constitutional Convention suggests that the Constitution be made to forbid Christian religious references in schools.

  The Council of the University Settlement, at the request of the New York Kehillah, adopts this resolution: "That in the holiday celebrations held annually by the Kindergarten Association at the University Settlement every feature of any sectarian character, including Christmas trees, Christmas programs and Christmas songs, shall be eliminated."

  1912-1913. Jews at Jackson, Tennessee, seek an injunction to prevent the reading of the Bible in City schools.

  Annual Convention Independent Order B'nai B'rith at Nashville, Tennessee, adopts resolution against reading of the Bible and singing Christian songs in public schools.

  Chicago Board of Education, scene of much Jewish agitation, approves recommendation of sub-committee to remove Christmas from the list of official public holidays in schools.

  1913-1914. The energies of the Jewish powers were concentrated on the task of preventing the United States from changing the immigration laws in a manner to protect the country from undesirable aliens.

  1914-1915. More Kehillah attempts to secure modification of the Sunday laws.

  1915-1916. Jewish opposition to various movements towards making the schools free to use the Bible.

  1916-1917. Jews busy carrying out an immense campaign against the "literacy clause" of the Immigration Sill.

  On demand of the Jews the New Haven Connecticut, Board of Education prevents the reading of "The Merchant of Venice," and extends the prohibition to "Lamb's Tales from Shakespeare."

  1918-191g. Provost Marshal Crowder, in charge of the Selective Draft U. S. Forces, had issued an order to all medical examiners, under direction of the Surgeon General, stating "The foreign-born, especially Jews, are more apt to malinger than the native-born." Louis Marshall, head of the American Jewish Committee, telegraphed demanding that the "further use of this form shall be at once discontinued." President Wilson ordered the excision of the paragraph.

  The United States Shipping Board sent an advertisement to the "New York Times," calling for a file clerk and stating that a "Christian" was preferred-by which is meant always a nonJew-the paper rejected it. Louis Marshall again went into action and protested to Bainbridge Colby, Woodrow Wilson's Secretary of State, demanding "Not because of any desire for inflicting punishment, but for the sake of example and the establishment of a necessary precedent this offense should be followed by a dismissal from the public office of the offender, and the public should be informed the reason." Attention is called to the tone which the American Jewish Committee adopts when addressing high American officials in the name of Jewry. It is not to be duplicated in the addresses of any other representative of any other race or faith.

  The Plattsburg Manual, published for officers in the United States officers' training camps, contained the statement that "the ideal officer is a Christian gentleman." The A J.C. at once protested against "Christological manifestations," and the Manual was changed to read "the ideal officer is a courteous gentleman."

  The Anti-Defamation Committee claimed that 160 American cities had excluded "The Merchant of Venice" from the public schools.

  1919-1920. The Kehillah was so successful in its campaign that it was possible for a Jewish advertiser in New York to say that he wanted only Jewish help, but it was not possible for a non-Jewish advertiser to state his nonJewish preference.

  And so it goes on, year after year, right up to the present day. The incidents quoted are typical not occasional. They represent what is transpiring all the time in the United States as the Jews pursue their "rights." There is no interference with Jewish ways and manners. The Jew may use his own calendar, keep his own days, observe his own form of worship, live in his own ghetto, exist on a dietary principle all his own, slaughter his cattle in a manner which no one who knows about it can approve-he can do all these things without molestation, without the slightest question of his right in them. But, the non-Jew is the "persecuted one." He must do everything the way the Jew wants it done; if not he is infringing on Jewish "rights."

THE CRY OF "ANTI-SEMITISM"

  What people are now coming to see is that it is American rights that have been interfered with, and the interference has been made with the assistance of their own "broad-minded" tolerance. The Jews' interference with the religion of others, and the Jews' determination to wipe out of public life every sign of the predominant Christian character of the United States, is the only active form of religious intolerance in the country today. Not content with the fullest liberty to follow their own faith in peace and quietness, in a country where none dare make them afraid, the Jews declare-we read it in their activities-that every sight and sound of anything Christian is an invasion of their peace and quietness, and so they stamp it out wherever they can reach it through political means. To what lengths this spirit may run is shown in the prophecies of the Talmud, and in the "reforms" undertaken by the Communists of Russia and Eastern Europe.

  That is not all; not content with their own liberty, not content with the "secularization," which means the deChristianization of all public institutions, the third step observable in Jewish activities is the actual exaltation of Judaism as a recognized and specially privileged system. The program is the now familiar one wherever the Jewish program is found: first, establishment; second, the destruction of all that is non-Jewish or anti-Jewish; third, exaltation of Judaism in all its phases.

  Put the Lord's Prayer and certain Shakespeare plays out of the public schools, but put Jewish courts in the public buildings-that is the way it works. Secularization is preparatory to Judaization. The New York Kehillah is an illustration of how it is done, and the American Jewish Committee is an illustration of the type of men who do it.

  The work of the Kehillah is claimed to be "educational" by its defenders, on the few occasions when it is attacked. It is certainly that. The best educated members are those who come from the Eastern European ghettos where the Kehillah idea was fully understood and practiced and where Jewish - community - government exercised unrestricted sway. Whatever other phase of education the Kehillah may be interested in, it certainly stresses most the education to separateness. Dr. S. Benderley, director of the Bureau of Education, gave away the objects of the Kehillah "education" thus:

  "The problem before us was to form a body of young Jews who should be on the one hand true Americans, a part of this Republic, with an intense interest in building up American ideals; and yet, on the other hand, be also Jews in love with the best of their own ideals, and not anxious merely to merge with the rest and disappear among them. That problem confronts Orthodox and Reform Jews alike. It is not merely a religious but a civic problem."

  That is separatism and exclusiveness as an educational program, and its result cannot help being training in ideas of racial superiority and exclusivism.

  It is the Jews' unceasing consciousness of the "Goy" that constitutes the disease of Judaism, this centuries-long tradition of separateness. There is no such thing as "antiSemitism." There i8, however, much anti-Goyism. In ad the countries of the world there is no anti-Arab sentiment of which anyone knows. None of the Semite people have been distinguished by the special dislike of any other people. There is no reason why anyone should dislike the Semites.

  It is very strange, however, that the Semite people should be a unit in disliking the Jews. Palestine, which still only has a handful of Jews, is peopled by Semites who so thoroughly dislike the Jews that serious complications are threatening the Zionist advances being made there. This surely is not anti-Semitism. Semites are not against Semites. They are at odds with Jews.

EDITOR'S NOTE: p;p; The original was written in 1921 when the Jewish population of Palestine was still insignificant. In 1918 it was only about 4 per cent

  When Aryan and Semite are kept conscious through many centuries that the Jew is another and superior race, and when it is known that neither Ayran nor Semite are touchy on the race question, what is the answer? Only this, that the whole substance of such a situation must be supplied by the Jews.

  There is no such thing as anti-Semitism. There is only a very little and a very mild anti-Jewism.

  But a study of Jewish publications, books, pamphlets, declarations, constitutions and charters, as well as a study of organized Jewish action in this and other countries, indicates that there is a tremendous amount of anti-Goyism, or antiGentilism.

"The administrators chosen by us from the masses for their servility Frill not be persons trained for government, and consequently they will easily become pawns in our game, played by our learned and talented counselors, specialists educated from early childhood to administer world affairs. As we know, our specialists have been acquiring the necessary knowledge for governing."

- The Second Protocol.

THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
by HENRY FORD, SR.
PDF-file in English (the complete book)

CONTENTS (HTML-version, abridged from the original)
Index

Chapter 1. Jewish History in the United States

Chapter 2 .Angles of Jewish Influence

Chapter 3. Victims, or Persecutors?

Chapter 4. Are the Jews a Nation?

Chapter 5. The Jewish Political Program

Chapter 6. Introduction to the "Jewish Protocols"

Chapter 7. How the Jews Use Power

Chapter 8. Jewish Influence in American Politics

Chapter 9. Bolshevism and Zionism

Chapter 10. Jewish power in the Theatre and Cinema

Chapter 11. Jewish Jazz Becomes our National Music

Chapter 12. Liquor, Gambling, Vice and Corruption

Chapter 13. The World's Foremost Problem

Chapter 14. The Jewish Money Power

Chapter 15. The Battle for Press Control

Chapter 16. The State of All-Judaan